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Lopadion
Uluabat/Bursa

Lopadion (Λοπάδιον, Turkish Uluabat) was an important fortified town on the border of Bithynia and Mysia (modern Bursa Province). First the site of a bridge and then a xenodocheion (“imperial inn”), it grew increasingly important during the Komnenian era: Alexios I Komnenos (1081-1118) assembled his army near the Lopadion Bridge, while John II Komnenos (1118-1143) built a fortress there. As a major regional road could easily be blocked at Lopadion, it played a major role in many wars fought by the Byzantines, Seljuks, Crusaders, and Ottomans. Its strategic location by the Ryndakos River and Apolloniatis (Uluabat) Lake is repeatedly mentioned by numerous Byzantine, Crusader, and Early Ottoman sources.

History

While Lopadion is first mentioned by name in the early ninth century, its earlier history is uncertain. The site of Lopadion had a long history, owing to its location on the Ryndakos River, the western border of Bithynia in the Roman era. It may have been known as Miletouteichos in the classical era. The strategic importance of the site first appears when the Romans defeated Mithridates VI on the banks of the Ryndakos in 73 BC. The Ryndakos River also flooded in 257/58 AD, preventing the Goths, who had invaded Bithynia, from also plundering Kyzikos. While not named, the route depicted on the Tabula Peutingeriana indicates there was a bridge at Lopadion in Late Antiquity. Arab sources mention Lopadion by name, with it appearing in the tenth-century geography of Al-Masudi and in the twelfth-century itineraries of al-Idrisi.

Lopadion first appears in the early-ninth-century letters of Theodoros Stoudites, who writes about its xenodocheion (an imperial “inn” or guest house for travelers) and its bath. Evidence from lead seals of Byzantine officials suggests that the settlement here grew in importance in the following centuries. There are two ninth-century seals with the title of the xenodochos (director of a xenodocheion). Other seals have other imperial official titles, such as spatharios and possibly kommerkiarios (fiscal official), which would indicate its importance as a port. An eleventh-century seal has the title of archon (local magistrate), further illustrating its growing importance. During this period, Lopadion was situated in the theme of Opsikion.

The Byzantines lost Lopadion by 1081, around the time Nicaea came under Seljuk control. Because of its strategic location on the Byzantine-Seljuk frontier, Lopadion appears frequently in sources during the Komnenian era. In 1086, the Seljuk commander Elkhanes captured Apollonias and Kyzikos (though Lopadion is not named directly). The bridge at Lopadion is mentioned when the Seljuk commander Elkhanes ambushed the troops of the Byzantine general Alexandros Euphorbenos after an unsuccessful siege of Apollonias in 1086. Upon taking the outer walls of Apollonias, Euphorbenos was forced to retreat because of the arrival of a large relief force and suffered a heavy defeat while trying to retreat across the river.

Shortly after this defeat, the Byzantine general Constantine Opos defeated Elkhanes, capturing Kyzikos and then Apollonias. During a major Seljuk attack in 1113, a large Seljuk army under the command of Monolykos plundered the area of Lopadion and sacked Kyzikos. In 1116, Alexios I Komnenos (1081-1118) organized the defense against a Seljuk attack from Ikonion (Konya), establishing camps and defensive positions (including at Lopadion). He defeated a small force of Turks at Poimanenon before returning to his base at Lopadion. Lopadion seems to have been his headquarters over the hot summer period, due in part to a shortage of water.

In 1134, John II Komnenos (1118-1143) attacked the Seljuks at the citadel of Gangra, but was repulsed and forced to retreat to Lopadion, where he spent the winter. In his campaign the following year, he first successfully attacked Kastamon and then captured Gangra. John returned to Lopadion after repelling a Turkish incursion into the region of the Sangarios River in 1139. He also gathered his forces there before his campaign against the rebel Konstantinos Gabras of Trebizond in 1140. Lopadion was again his base in 1141 against renewed Turkish raids.

Byzantine sources report that the fortress of Lopadion was built by John II. No date is given, but it may have been constructed around 1130. However, it has been proposed that previous Seljuk attacks on Lopadion and Kyzikos in 1113 required its rebuilding, though the sources do not state this. Regardless, the repeated mentions of Lopadion indicated its centrality to a network of fortifications along the roads, rivers, and coasts of Anatolia, expanding and improving the fortifications built by his father Alexios I. Theodoros Prodromos, a poet at the court of John II, celebrates the strength of Lopadion in his poem about a journey there with the emperor (perhaps dating to 1139).

In 1147, Emperor Manuel I Komnenos (1143-1180) was in Lopadion, apparently preparing for a new campaign against the Seljuks. However, he concluded a peace treaty with Sultan Mas’ud because of the shared threat posed by the approaching armies of the Second Crusade. After the German army retreated from its disastrous march towards Doryleion in 1147, Conrad III of Germany joined the French king Louis VII at Lupar [Lopadion], and then moved south along the coast towards Ephesus.

After the accession of Andronikos I Komnenos in 1184, a rebellion broke out in Anatolia, centered on Nicaea and Prousa (Bursa). The rebels called in the Turks to aid them and put up a very determined struggle. The inhabitants of Lopadion joined the revolt, though it was quickly captured by the Byzantine general Alexios Branas. Once the rebellion was crushed, Lopadion was subjected to severe reprisals, with its bishop being blinded.

During the Komnenian era, Lopadion grew increasingly important, as it functioned as a key military base and at times even an imperial residence. Its location on the Ryndakos and along the main east-west road made it a major base of operations at the regional crossroads. Lopadion was close to the frontier and could easily receive dispatches from Constantinople and the rest of the empire by river when the emperor resided there. It has also been argued that during this period fortified towns like Lopadion functioned as aplekta (supply camps) or fortified camps. While John regularly used Lopadion as a training base and assembly point for his troops, Lopadion was certainly more than just a military base; it was also a proper town or even a small city that could also support the imperial court. Fortresses like Lopadion probably played a role in restoring the agricultural prosperity of the region as well. By the end of the twelfth century, Lopadion also had its own bishop, first appearing on the synodal register as a metropolitan see in 1178.

Despite the First Crusade’s success in restoring much territory to Byzantium (most crucially at Nicaea in 1097), Seljuk raiding forces continued to appear as far as the Bosphorus. Though the emperors Alexios, John, and Manuel Komnenos had numerous victories against the Seljuks and continued to expand the fortification system, Byzantine Anatolia continued to be vulnerable as seen in the losses suffered by the armies of the Second Crusade in 1147. It could be argued, though, the Komnenian attempts to restore power in Anatolia would allow for the relative successes of the Empire of Nicaea in the thirteenth century.

Following the capture of Constantinople in 1204, the French knight Pierre de Bracieux conquered Pegai and Lopadion for the Latin Empire, defeating Theodore I Laskaris at Poimanenon. He failed, though, when he attempted to conquer Prousa (Bursa). By 1205, the Latins had taken control of much of northwestern Anatolia, weakening the position of Theodore Laskaris (despite his control of Prousa and Nicaea). This position soon reversed, as the Latin emperor Baldwin had to relinquish most of Anatolia when the Bulgarian tsar Kaloyan incited the Byzantines in Thrace to revolt. Baldwin’s forces were sent to defend Adrianople, where he was defeated and captured by Kaloyan later that year. In 1211, Theodoros Laskaris was again defeated by the Latins on the Ryndakos plain near Lopadion. In 1214, Theodore concluded a treaty at Nymphaion with Latin emperor Henry of Flanders, which recognized Byzantine control of Lopadion.

The Patriarch Arsenios Autoreianos passed through Lopadion after Michael VIII Palaiologos (1259-1282) was proclaimed emperor at Nymphaion in 1259. At the Second Council of Lyon in 1274, the emperor and many Orthodox clergy (including the metropolitans or archbishops of Lopadion, Nicaea, and Prousa) formally entered into union with the Catholic Church. Several other sources mention the archbishops of Lopadion in the thirteenth century, though the last mention of its archbishop is in the mid-fourteenth century. Following his third campaign to secure the Sangarios border in 1282, Michael VIII went to Lopadion, where he made plans to fortify the border regions to the south. These plans, though, were apparently never completed, because John II Komnenos of Trebizond visited Michael at Lopadion later that year, and they then traveled together to Constantinople by ship. In 1290, Andronikos II Palaiologos embarked on a three-year tour of his provinces in Anatolia, inspecting the defenses of Nicaea, Prousa, and Lopadion, during which time his headquarters were at Nymphaion.

Osman, the founder of the Ottoman dynasty, defeated the Byzantines at the Battle of Bapheus in 1302, allowing his forces to sweep westward and ravage the countryside from Nicaea to Kyzikos, even as far as Adramyttion. Only fortified cities, such as Nicaea, Prousa, and Lopadion, remained under Byzantine control, though they were isolated from each other.

After the War of the Sicilian Vespers came to an end, the commander of the Catalan Company, Roger de Flor, arrived in Constantinople and offered his services to Andronikos II Palaiologos (1282-1328) in 1303. After wintering in Kyzikos, Roger mounted a successful campaign against the Turks in the region, though he was recalled after Catalans looted local Byzantine populations. Roger then seized control of Kallipolis (Gelibolu) and made it his base of operations. In the spring of 1305, Roger de Flor sent part of his forces from Kallipolis to Kyzikos, Pegai (Karabiga), and Lopadion. Atares, an unidentified Turkish commander, attacked Lopadion, which was defended by its Byzantine commander Makrenos, 120 Catalans, and a few Byzantine soldiers. Makrenos imprisoned half of the Catalans on suspicion of treasonous activities, while sending the rest to aid a nearby fortified town that was under siege. In the end, the Catalans betrayed the town to the Turks, joining in the attack, capturing and killing its defenders, in exchange for the promise to cover their retreat.

When the Ottoman ruler Orhan captured Prousa (Bursa) in 1326, it had been besieged and suffering from deprivation for some time. Cut off from the Byzantine world for many years, it had already been paying tribute to the Ottomans for at least fifteen years. After its capture, he buried his father Osman, who died besieging the city, within its walls, and he made it his capital. The following year, Lopadion finally fell to the Ottomans after its walls were damaged by an earthquake. These conquests took place during the civil war between Andronikos II and his grandson Andronikos III from 1320-1328.

Early Ottoman sources attest to the continued importance of Ulubad, as Lopadion was also known. A key building from the period is Issızhan, a commercial center located around 3.5 km northeast of Lopadion. Its construction in the late fourteenth century indicates the continued importance of the bridge and the related road network. Ulubad was a key site in two Early Ottoman civil wars. The death of Bayezid I a year after his defeat at the Battle of Ankara in 1402 led to a period of civil war between his sons. One battle of the civil war took place at Ulubad in 1403, where Mehmed defeated İsa, allowing Mehmed to take control of Bursa. In 1422, Byzantine-backed pretender Mustafa gathered a large army to attack Sultan Murad II at Bursa. Murad rushed to Lopadion and ordered that the bridge there be dismantled. The advance of Mustafa was then stopped, and later some forces deserted him, leading him to retreat. According to legend, Ulubatlı Hasan (who came from Ulubad) was the first to raise an Ottoman standard on the walls of Constantinople during the siege of 1453.

Some information about Lopadion's trade and economy is available for the Late Byzantine and Early Ottoman eras. In a chrysobull of 1287, Andronikos II confirmed the properties of the Theometor Monastery, including mills probably near Lopadion, thus attesting to grain cultivation in the area. By the Ottoman era, the trade of alum (used to make textile dyes) was largely dominated by the Genoese. While the main producing regions of alum were Kütahya and Foça, Lopadion also produced smaller quantities. Alum from Lopadion and the surrounding area was first exported to Trigleia (Tirilye/Bursa), and then sold at Constantinople, Pera, and even Bruges. The exact location of these mines, though, is unknown. Lopadion also appeared in late medieval and early modern portolan charts, using a wide variety of spellings (e.g., Lupari, Lupate, Lupay, etc.). Some maps show a river mouth (thus depicting the Ryndakos at the Marmara coast); at times, they appear to incorrectly depict two river mouths.

In 1576, a German account of a visit to the town records several churches, including the largest one dedicated to the Panagia (Virgin Mary). In the late nineteenth century, it was populated by Greek families, with a Circassian settlement outside the walls. Of the two known churches from the Late Ottoman era, only one church partially survives; dedicated to St. Michael, its inscription records that it was completely rebuilt in 1847. There is Byzantine spolia in the base of the old mosque’s minaret. Heavily reconstructed later, the mosque (now known as Valide Sultan Camii) was built in the late fourteenth or early fifteenth century.

Lopadion Fortress

The fortress was roughly a rectangle measuring 475x150 m, with the river protecting its long northern side. The gates were apparently simple structures. It had towers of various shapes set about 30 to 40 m apart. Its design lacks specific defensive techniques, arguably because its main function was a fortified camp for assembling troops. Uniquely, the fortress seems to have revived the ancient rectangular plan of Roman military camps.

What survives of its masonry is generally consistent. The best-preserved tower has unhewn stone, with alternating smaller and larger stones. Each course is separated by at least a single file of bricks. Many bricks are set vertically, creating an irregular cloisonné. There is also occasional use of spolia as well as more regularly cut stone. The walls are similar, though the stones are more frequently small and set in a good deal of mortar, while the brick courses are often straighter. In some places, surfaces have been coated with mortar.

Stone Bridge at Lopadion (Uluabat)

Lopadion Bridge

The ruins of a stone bridge are on the northwestern corner of Uluabat, crossing the stream to the north. It consists of remains of piers on both banks and in the river. The bridge was over 180 m long and about 6 m wide.

The xenodocheion (imperial inn) at Lopadion documented in the eighth century indicates the bridge already played a significant role in the road system of the region. Numerous battles and armies around the bridge frequently appear in Byzantine and Ottoman sources, further highlighting its regional importance. Anna Komnene claims that St. Helene built the bridge (along with a chapel there) in honor of her son Constantine the Great, after whom it was named. Accordingly, the bridge has traditionally been dated to the reign of Constantine I (306-337). However, its masonry also indicates it underwent substantial restoration.

There is possible evidence of earthquake damage, with signs of repair consisting of a diagonal line of masonry. While the lower sections of the foundations are made of regular cut stone, the upper sections have alternating ashlar and brick courses, with occasional cloisonné. The nearby fortress, attributed to John II Komnenos (1118-1143), has similar masonry, suggesting they were reconstructed at the same time. Sultan Murad II had the bridge destroyed in 1422 during the civil war with the Byzantine-backed pretender Mustafa. Murat II later had another bridge built here, though it is unclear whether he built a new bridge or repaired this one. The remains of an Ottoman wooden bridge crossing the stream are around 170 m west of the old stone bridge. A modern bridge on E90 (the main highway of the region) also crosses the stream around 700 m to the west of the old stone bridge.

Ryndakos River

Ryndakos River

Makestos River

Apolloniatis

         Lake

    Lopadion

Sigriane Mountains

Lopadion located at a strategy crossroads by the Ryndakos River and Apolloniatis Lake

Lopadion was at a major regional crossroads for trade and travel. It was located on the main east-west road north of Apolloniatis (Uluabat) Lake, where a bridge crossed the Ryndakos River. This road ran along the north bank of Apolloniatis Lake from Kyzikos to Prousa (Bursa) and offered passage south of the Sigriane Mountains. Its route roughly followed modern E90, the main highway of the region. As travel along the road could easily be blocked by the Lopadion Fortress next to the bridge, it played a major role in the defense in many wars. Its strategic location is evident in the repeated mentions in numerous Byzantine, Crusader, and Early Ottoman sources. Another road continued southwest from Lopadion toward Hadrianoutherai (modern Balıkesir).

The navigable river at Lopadion also contributed to its significance, as seafaring ships could enter Apolloniatis Lake via the Ryndakos throughout the Byzantine era and much of the Ottoman era. The Ryndakos River is now known by several Turkish names (including Kocasu Çayı and Mustafakemalpaşa Çayı), depending on its location. Lopadion lay between its confluence with Apolloniatis Lake and where the Makestos River flows into the Ryndakos, which then continues flowing north into the Marmara Sea. Later sources also refer to the Lopadion Lake, which is the source of its Turkish name Uluabat (originally Ulubat).

Road by Apollonias Lake and bridge over the Ryndakos River depicted in the Tabula Peutingeriana, a twelfth or thirteenth century copy of a late fourth or early fifth century Roman map

Österreichischen Nationalbibliothek 

From Parallel Lives by Plutarch

Mithridates VI defeated by the Romans in 73 BC

Mithridates, as long as his generals deceived him into ignorance of the famine in his army, was vexed that the Cyzicenes should successfully withstand his siege…Accordingly, while Lucullus was laying siege to some outpost or other, Mithridates eagerly took advantage of the opportunity, and sent away into Bithynia almost all his horsemen, together with the beasts of burden, and those of his foot-soldiers who were disabled. On learning of this, Lucullus returned to his camp while it was still night, and early in the morning, in spite of a storm, took ten cohorts of infantry and his cavalry, and started in pursuit, although snow was falling and his hardships were extreme. Many of his soldiers were overcome with the cold and had to be left behind, but with the rest he overtook the enemy at the river Rhyndacus and inflicted such a defeat upon them that the very women came forth from Apollonia and carried off their baggage and stripped their slain. Six thousand horses and fifteen thousand men were captured, besides an untold number of beasts of burden. All these followed in the train of Lucullus as he marched back past the camp of the enemy.

George xenodochos of Loupadion (9th century) 

Dumbarton Oaks

Basil imperial spatharios and xenodochos of Loupadion (9th/10th century) 

Dumbarton Oaks

Leo archon of Loupadion (11th century) 

Dumbarton Oaks

From The Alexiad by Anna Komnene

 

Seljuk commander Elkhanes defeats general Alexander Euphorbenos at the Lopadion Bridge

When Alexander saw a barbarian force of considerable strength on its way to help and as his own army was equivalent to a mere fraction of the enemy, he thought it wiser, if he could not win, to keep his own troops out of danger. His position was one of extreme peril and it was impossible to achieve any safety there. He decided to make for the sea, embarked his men on the ships and sailed down the river. Elkhanes, however, had guessed his plan. He anticipated it by seizing the entrance to the lake and the bridge over the river, at the place where in olden times a sanctuary had been built by St. Helena in honour of the great Constantine — hence the bridge’s name, which still persists to this day. At the entrance to the lake, then, and on the bridge itself, to right and left he posted his most experienced soldiers with orders to surprise the Roman ships on their way through. In fact they all fell into the trap as they reached that point in small boats. When they saw the danger, they made for the shore in desperation and leapt from the boats on to dry land, but the Turks caught up with them and a fierce battle ensued. Many of the officers were captured; many fell into the river and were swept away by the current.

 

Seljuk commander Monolukos attacking Lopadion

When the emperor reached Kibotos, a fellow came with the news that the leading satraps commanding the force of 40,000 had divided, with some heading down to Nicaea and the neighbouring districts to plunder, while Monolukos and ... had ravaged the coastal area. Those who had devastated the country near the lake of Nicaea and Prousa, as well as Apollonias, had encamped by the latter town and collected all their booty there. They had then marched on in a body pillaging Lopadion and all the land round it; even Kyzikos, he reported, had been attacked from the sea and had fallen at the first assault, the individual in charge of its defence having put up no resistance at all and then fleeing in disgrace.

 

Alexios I assembling his army at Lopadion

The emperor knew what was going on and boiling with anger, was more than ever determined to make war on them. Not long after there was some relief from the gout and he set out for the campaign. After reaching Damalis and sailing across the straits between Kibotos and Aigialoi, he reached Kibotos and from there went on to Lopadion, where he awaited the arrival of his army and the mercenaries he had summoned. When all were gathered together, he moved on with the whole expeditionary force to the fort of St. George, near the lake of Nicaea, and from there to Nicaea itself. Three days later he retraced his steps and encamped on this side of the Lopadion bridge not far from the place known as the Fountain of Karykeus. He thought it best that the army cross the bridge first and pitch camp in some suitable spot; then, when all was ready, he himself would cross by the same bridge and have the imperial tent pitched in the centre of the camp.

al-Idrisi edit.jpg

Libāḏiya

Libāḏiya [Lopadion] in BNF MS Ar 2221

Late 13th-early 14th century copy of map by Muhammad al-Idrisi

From The Annals of Niketas Choniates 

John Komnenos building a fortress at Lopadion and using it as a military base

He convinced the Ikonian Masʽud Ito break with the emperor, to join forces with him and dissolve the alliance. Not long after this event, the Turkish troops, dispatched by the sultan to fight as allies of the emperor, departed by night, and henceforth the Romans met with little success in this campaign. John drew back and took up quarters at the fortress which he himself had built along the Rhyndakos River [winter 1134-35] and engaged Muhammad once again in battle, but now even more vigorously [1135]. Recovering Kastamon for the Romans, he proceeded on to Gangra. This is one of the largest and most illustrious of the cities of the Pontos that had not been subject to the Turks in former times.

 

Because the Turks were mounting attacks against the defenseless regions along the Sangarios River, John was able to remain in Byzantion only a short time. Despite his physical debilitation, he set out without delay [spring 1139] and succeeded in terrifying the enemy by his very presence, at the same time driving out animal herds of all kinds. This finished, he returned to Lopadion. Not long afterwards, when the ladies of the court had departed from the city, he built Ochyrai, taking advantage of the cessation of hostilities. He planned to remain for some time in these parts and ordered the troops to assemble. When, in compliance with the imperial decrees, the army was brought together, John for the first time appeared to be unremitting and imperious; recognizing no limits to his expeditions, it was as though he had forgotten or that he was unaware that the Romans had spent three years in the Eastern wars…Towards the end of spring the emperor rose up and departed from Lopadion. He spent the summer season and the temperate period of autumn on campaign and at the time of the winter solstice [1139] took up quarters in the Pontic city of Kinte.

 

The ides of January [15 January 1141] saw Emperor John entering the City on his return from his Turkish labors, and the spring equinox witnessed him once again girding on the sword and arriving in the vicinity of the town on the Rhyndakos River [Lopadion]. As the summer season came to a close and winter petulantly intruded into clear skies, causing terror with the howling of winds and weakening the body's resistance to the cold, John returned to Byzantion, retreating before the freezing weather that rained down snowflakes as large as boulders and sleet like javelins.

From a poem by Theodoros Prodromos, to Emperor John II Komnenos when he was staying in Lopadion after his departure

[Lopadion was] given by God to Rome as a wall and a defence, a stronghold, a rampart, a tower both strong and great, irresistible battlement, adamantine moat, a stumbling block for your enemies, according to him who crowned you a stone stronghold for the Roman people.

From The Deeds of John and Manuel Comnenus by John Kinnamos

Some time later [1146] encamped on the plains by the Rhyndakos, where a fort had been newly erected by emperor John, called Lopadion by the commonality. There he gathered an army, as he intended to invade Turkish [territory]. For in the meantime the Turks had broken their truce with the Romans, pillaged and taken Prakana, an Isaurian city, and wrought much other injury to the Romans. After he had prepared as well as possible, he set out from there and hastily moved forward, intending to destroy them from youth upwards as he came upon them suddenly, unawares. He did not, however, entirely fail in his plan. He did not indeed utilize [his own] hands in that conflict. For after he had quickly traversed the Mysian Olympus and had come as far as Pithekas, where he had constructed a strong fort, he marched by night through the mountains there, which rise high and are really overgrown; when his head was stuffed up by the mists rising over the trees, he suddenly collapsed, so that he was unable to rise again. Then until about midnight it kept him unconscious, but as he recovered after a little and became better on the morrow, he remained quiet. Detaching a suitable portion of the army, however, he dispatched it with the generals to its task; when they encountered the enemy’s forces not far off, as they were superior in battle, they carried off a great quantity of booty and returned from there with signs of victory. The emperor achieved this.

 

Treaty with the Seljuk before the Second Crusade

A little later [1147] the emperor returned to deal with the Turks. After he reached the Rhyndakos River he was busy in preparations to besiege Ikonion and overrun everything around it. The army had not yet moved from there, however, when envoys came from the sultan requesting peace.

From The Journey of Louis VII to the East by Odo of Deuil

Following the German crusade defeat at Doryleion in 1147, French king Louis VII waits for Conrad III of Germany at Lopadion

The next day they looked for the count, who often defended his people without the aid of others, and they learned that he had not been late in coming to the army, but that on the way he and his men had perished at the hands of the Turkish bowmen. Since they relied greatly on his strength and wisdom and since a similar death was threatening them all, everyone lamented his death. All who were able took arms, and they hastened on, pursued more fiercely than ever by hunger and by the enemy. Actually, since they knew that the crusaders had no bows or swift horses, the Turks no longer stayed away fearfully. Then they not only harassed the rear guard but even shot arrows into the vanguard and the center of the army. I cannot describe the losses on that journey, during which the emperor himself was wounded by two arrows and where, while the rest were hastening on, the weak remained behind and, in the midst of the tumult, a rain of arrows killed these defenseless men. Thus at last the dying Germans came to Nicaea. There the starving people rushed for food, and the Greeks, as they could in such time of need, sold it very dear, demanding in payment cuirasses and swords instead of gold, in order to strip the army bare. Wishing to return home, the greatest part of the army, with strength exhausted and possessions lost, went to Constantinople; but before the men could obtain either a market or a means of crossing, hunger killed more than 30,000, we have heard. But the German emperor, deprived of human comfort and trusting in divine aid, hastened after the king with a constant heart, to seek comradeship in the service of God. The messengers sent ahead by him encountered the king at the Lake of Nicaea, as has been said already, and they told him the events we have described, asking him to go to meet the emperor, who was following, and to be ready to give aid and advice to him in his time of need. Now the king mourned his ally's injury as if it were his own and, with a great train of barons, swiftly and gladly came to him and heard his requests. Then they embraced each other and exchanged kisses which tears of pity bedewed. At last they decided that the king should wait for the emperor at the castle of Lupar [Lopadion] and that the emperor, after acquiring supplies in Nicaea, should hasten after the king.

From The Annals of Niketas Choniates

Rebellion against Andronikos I Komnenos

With the coming of spring [1184] he attended the horse races and spectacles and then assembled all the troops, those from the western and eastern armies who had not rebelled, and took the road leading directly to the city of Nicaea. He dispatched Alexios Branas, who had returned from the regions of Branicevo, with a large force to be drawn out in battle array around Lopadion. The Lopadians had already joined their neighbors, the Nicaeans and the Prusaeans, in revolt. Since the expedition fared well for Branas and he had brought a successful conclusion to Niketas Choniates the campaign, he continued on to Nicaea, where he joined forces with Andronikos. When both armies were gathered together into one force, Andronikos determined to assault the city. The defenders were insolent, not only when Andronikos was absent, but they also scorned him when he was present; appearing on the wall, they defended themselves with weapons and delivered blows of vulgarities, sparing neither missile nor obscenity. The gates of the city were shut and securely bolted, but the gates of the lips opened wide, and the defenders' tongues issued forth from the breastworks of the teeth to discharge missiles of scurrilities against Andronikos. Cut to the quick by such darts, he breathed forth a fire of wrath," forcing out a Typhonian blast, and was unable to contain his resentment, for the city of Nicaea boasted to be impregnable, or very nearly so, thanks to her mighty walls built all of baked bricks. At that time, soldiers who abhorred Andronikos streamed into the city. Among these were Isaakios Angelos, who later put an end to Andronikos's tyranny and held sway over the Romans after him, and Theodore Kantakouzenos, as well as Turks who were invited inside, all of which seemed to him to bode no good for the besiegers. 

Having thus brutally deprived his own reign of those who excelled in bodily strength and military experience, Andronikos departed for Lopadion where he perpetrated the same crimes. He deprived the bishop of one of his eyes because he showed no indignation against the seditionists, having submitted meekly and calmly to their movement against Andronikos and stood by without bringing charges, and he returned to the palace delighting in such trophies, leaving behind the cultivated vines of the Prusaeans that climbed trees in close embrace weighted down with the bodies of the hanged like so many clusters of grapes. He allowed none of the impaled to be buried; baked by the sun, they swayed in the wind like scarecrows suspended in a garden of cucumbers by the garden-watchers.

  

Andronikos I Komnenos camped at Lopadion

Then, as now, there was a convention of declaiming publicly on divine doctrines, but Andronikos did not wish to discuss or listen to newfangled ideas about God, even though he had tasted of our wisdom [Holy Scriptures], and not only with the tip of his forefinger. He rebuked Euthymios, bishop of New Patras, a man of prodigious learning and John Kinnamos inside the imperial tent when they were debating at Lopadion on the saying of the God-Man, “My father is greater than I,” and, flying into a rage, he also threatened to cast them into the Rhyndakos River if they did not desist debating about God.

 

After the capture of Constantinople, French crusader Peter of Bracieux captures Lopadion in 1204

Peter of Bracieux left the town of Pegai and set out on the road to Lopadion [1 November 1204]. A large Roman force under Theodore Laskaris engaged him near the town of Poimanenon [6 December 1204], but they could not withstand the charge of the Latins and took to flight. Meeting no resistance, Peter continued on to Lopadion, and as he was welcomed by the entire populace holding crosses and the Holy Gospels, the inhabitants of Lopadion were left unharmed. All the cities which resolved not to do battle with the Latins were treated in the same way, even though it was an evil thing to serve a Latin whose speech differed from that of the Hellenes, who was money-loving by nature, with an undiscriminating eye, an insatiable belly, a wrathful and violent soul, and a hand forever reaching out for the sword.

The Latins were eager to make trial of the inhabitants of the city of Prusa and to take their measure because the Prusaeans paid them no heed; the latter, having prepared sufficient provisions for a long siege, were confident that because of its site Prusa could never be taken by force, for it was built on a hill and was encompassed by a strong wall. The Latins marched out from Lopadion and came to Prusa.

From Villehardouin’s Chronicle of the Fourth Crusade

Defeat of Theodore and Constantine Laskaris

At that time those who had gone to the city of Piga [Pegai] Peter of Bracieux and Payen of Orleans being the chiefs fortified a castle called Palormo; and they left therein a garrison of their people, and rode forward to conquer the land. Theodore Lascaris had collected all the people he could, and on the day of the feast of our Lord St. Nicholas [6th December 1204], which is before the Nativity, he joined battle in the plain before a castle called Poemaninon. The battle was engaged with great disadvantage to our people, for those of the other part were in such numbers as was marvellous; and on our side there were but one hundred and forty knights, without counting the mounted sergeants.

But our Lord orders battles as it pleases Him. By His grace and by His will, the Franks vanquished the Greeks and discomfited them, so that they suffered very great loss. And within the week, they surrendered a very large part of the land. They surrendered Poemaninon, which was a very strong castle, and Lopadion, which was one of the best cities of the land, and Polychna, which is seated on a lake of fresh water, and is one of the strongest and best castles that can be found. And you must know that our people fared very excellently, and by God’s help had their will of that land.

Shortly after, by the advice of the Armenians, Henry, the brother of the Emperor Baldwin of Constantinople, started from the city of Abydos, leaving therein a garrison of his people, and rode to a city called Atramittium, which lies on the sea, a two days journey from Abydos. This city yielded to him, and he lodged therein, and a great part of the land surrendered; for the city was well supplied with corn and meats, and other goods. Then he maintained the war in those parts against the Greeks.

Theodore Lascaris, who had been discomfited at Poemaninon, collected as many people as he could, and assembled a very great army, and gave the command thereof to Constantine, his brother, who was one of the best Greeks in Roumania, and then rode straight towards Atramittium. And Henry, the brother of the Emperor Baldwin, had knowledge, through the Armenians, that a great host was marching against him, so he made ready to meet them, and set his battalions in order; and he had with him some very good men, as Baldwin of Belvoir, and Nicholas of Mailly, and Anseau of Cayeux, and Thierri of Loos, and Thierri of Tenremonde.

So it happened that on the Saturday which is before mid-Lent (19th March 1205), came Constantine Lascaris with his great host, before Atramittium. And Henry, when he knew of his coming, took counsel, and said he would not suffer himself to be shut up in the city, but would issue forth. And those of the other part came on with all their host, in great companies of horse and foot, and those on our part went out to meet them, and began the onslaught. Then was there a dour battle and fighting hand to hand ; but by God’s help the Franks prevailed, and discomfited their foes, so that many were killed and taken captive, and there was much booty. Then were the Franks at ease, and very rich, so that the people of the land turned to them, and began to bring in their rents.

From The Deeds of John and Manuel Comnenus by John Kinnamos ​

Some time later [1146] encamped on the plains by the Rhyndakos, where a fort had been newly erected by emperor John, called Lopadion by the commonality. There he gathered an army, as he intended to invade Turkish [territory]. For in the meantime the Turks had broken their truce with the Romans, pillaged and taken Prakana, an Isaurian city, and wrought much other injury to the Romans. After he had prepared as well as possible, he set out from there and hastily moved forward, intending to destroy them from youth upwards as he came upon them suddenly, unawares. He did not, however, entirely fail in his plan. He did not indeed utilize [his own] hands in that conflict. For after he had quickly traversed the Mysian Olympus and had come as far as Pithekas, where he had constructed a strong fort, he marched by night through the mountains there, which rise high and are really overgrown; when his head was stuffed up by the mists rising over the trees, he suddenly collapsed, so that he was unable to rise again. Then until about midnight it kept him unconscious, but as he recovered after a little and became better on the morrow, he remained quiet. Detaching a suitable portion of the army, however, he dispatched it with the generals to its task; when they encountered the enemy’s forces not far off, as they were superior in battle, they carried off a great quantity of booty and returned from there with signs of victory. The emperor achieved this.

From the history of Doukas

Wars between Theodore Laskaris and Latin Emperor Henry of Flanders

This Henry became the cause of many wars with the emperor Theodore, and brought under his control many cities and lands of the Romans. For he was brave and impulsive with respect to battle, and saw that Roman affairs had been humbled, especially from the time when the emperor Theodore killed the sultan; it was then that the army of Franks which was attached to Theodore had been destroyed; he had relied on them even for warfare against their own people, and the emperor Henry also feared them. For many of them were renowned because of their race, but also for their innate courage. That is why, as some say, when Henry heard about the emperor’s victory, he remarked, ‘Laskaris was vanquished, not victorious.’ At any rate, so as not to extend greatly the account of the narrative, through this one example I might give the entire picture. Henry pitched tent as far as Nymphaion itself, as there was not a soul in his way, and from there he turned back, partly because he was sated by his conquests, partly because he wished to obtain a truce—for the Latin race does not have great endurance in battle— and he came to an agreement with the emperor Theodore. It was agreed that all of Kiminas—for this is what the mountain is called which is near Achyraous— together with Achyraous itself, would be controlled by the Franks, that Kalamos (Kalamos is a village where the theme of Neokastra begins) would remain uninhabited, while everything from there and beyond would be controlled by the emperor Theodore. This consisted of Neokastra and Kelbianon, Chliara and Pergamon and the places adjacent to them, Magidia and Opsikia. The territory starting from Lopadion and including Prousa and Nicaea also belonged to the emperor Theodore. This is how matters were resolved for the emperor Theodore.

From The History of George Akropolites

Now that Laskaris had been proclaimed emperor, he applied himself to affairs more intensely, and engaged in no small number of fierce battles. For the Italians, having made their passage over to the east, brought most of it under their control. The entire theme of Opsikion and Aigaion, and even Atramytion itself became Italian possessions. Baris and Aulonia, Poimanenon, and Lentiana up to and including Lopadion recognized the Italians as masters, but also all of Thynia up to and including Nikomedeia. The emperor Theodore was therefore greatly confined. But he was no less hard-pressed by the Romans. For in the confusion of the conquest of the city of Constantine, commanders appeared one from one place, another from another; those who were prominent over the others made the land they had under their control their personal realm, having set out to do this either by their own initiative or because they had been summoned to the defence of the land by its inhabitants.

 

Treaty of Nymphaion in 1214

I might give the entire picture. Henry pitched tent as far as Nymphaion itself, as there was not a soul in his way, and from there he turned back, partly because he was sated by his conquests, partly because he wished to obtain a truce—for the Latin race does not have great endurance in battle— and he came to an agreement with the emperor Theodore. It was agreed that all of Kiminas—for this is what the mountain is called which is near Achyraous— together with Achyraous itself, would be controlled by the Franks, that Kalamos (Kalamos is a village where the theme of Neokastra begins) would remain uninhabited, while everything from there and beyond would be controlled by the emperor Theodore. This consisted of Neokastra and Kelbianon, Chliara and Pergamon and the places adjacent to them, Magidia and Opsikia. The territory starting from Lopadion and including Prousa and Nicaea also belonged to the emperor Theodore. This is how matters were resolved for the emperor Theodore.

Vesconte (1321) ed.jpg

Lupai (Lopadion) from the Portolan chart of the Black Sea

Vesconte (1321)

Zentralbibliothek Zürich 

Issız Han

According to an Arabic inscription above the main entrance, the Ottoman commercial center Issız Han was built by Celaleddin Eyne Bey ibn Felekeddin in AH 797 (1394/95). It measures around 42x21m and has an north-south orientation. Its entrance, which faces the lake to the south, consisted of a deep, high iwan with a pointed arch

From the history of Doukas

Civil War between Ottoman claimants Murad and Mustafa in 1422

Juneid entered the palace and addressed the following abusive words to the ruler: "Do you not know, O Master, that we occupy only Thrace while the fate of the western provinces hangs in the balance? I have heard that Murad has been negotiating with the emperor to seek his help in restoring him to his paternal throne. Moreover, he has come to terms with the Franks and now all the lands of the East are in his hands. We, on the other hand, remain carefree in Adrianople, performing no military exploit. It is my opinion, therefore, that before the enemy crosses the straits at Lampsakos or Skutari and spreads tumult throughout the western provinces, and the army becomes discontented, it would be better if we anticipated them and with speed and resolution crossed the bridge at Lopadion with our western troops and engaged Murad in battle. Thank God, we excel the enemy in both arms and cavalry. Let them hear of our arrival and their spirit will break like a reed and their counsels will be ignored. The same, however, will happen to us if we through neglect allow the enemy to cross over to us." Mustafa, barely revived from his drunken torpor, was convinced by Juneid's argument.

 

When the army had been assembled, they hastened to Gallipoli, where the huge force crossed the straits to remain in Lampsakos for three days. The Phrygian nobles from the surrounding cities came forth and made obeisance to Mustafa. Informed of Mustafa's invasion, Murad marched out of Prusa in the night with a small army and went to Lopadion. He brought with him those commanders who were knowledgeable and expert in warfare, Hadji Aivat and the sons of Temurtaa Beg, All, Umur, and Orudj Beg, all courageous and excellent men. With them was also Hamza Beg, Juneid's brother who, since childhood, had resided with Murad. They arrived at the bridge ahead of Mustafa, and proceeded to dismantle it, thereby effectively blocking Mustafa's and Juneid's advance into the East. When Mustafa arrived with his forces, he pitched his tents along the lakeshore. Murad set up his tents on the opposite shore, and the opponents confronted each other without the slightest fear. The dismantling of the bridge was a work of great prudence. When the enemy found the bridge demolished, their advance was stopped, and Murad's forces assembled without trepidation. The water's flow was deep and its span very wide. If one wished to travel around the lake to reach the opposite shore, three days would not be sufficient for him to do so. All around were cragged mountains with impassable defiles.

 

Let us now return and see how events turned against those whom Juneid deserted at Lopadion when he stole away. When the nobles arose in the morning, assembling as is their custom, they informed one another that during the night there had been great tumult in Juneid's tents. Some contended that he had crossed to the opposite shore and joined forces with Murad, while others, full of envy against him, claimed to have prophesied the fact. Murad's troops on the opposite shore also learned that Juneid had truly deserted. The loud blasts from the musical instruments and trumpets in Murad's army, the cavalry movements along the lakeshore, the shouts and war cries resounding to heaven, were indeed something to experience! When Mustafa, on awakening, was apprised pf Juneid's flight, he conjectured that the only place he could have gone was across the water to the opposite shore to join Murad. He became very afraid and hastened to depart. The great cowardice, confusion, and turmoil rampant in Mustafa's army were also a sight to behold. The enemy rode up and down the opposite shore shouting and reproaching them, impudently crying out in their own tongue: "Turun turun gaiman," that is, "Stand, stand, do not flee." Since the bridge was destroyed, however, they had no way to cross and engage them in battle. Mustafa mounted his horse, rode towards Lampsakos, hastening to reach the straits. On that same day, Murad rebuilt the bridge with large wooden beams. As he crossed the bridge most of Mustafa's troops rushed forward to make obeisance and to acclaim him. Arriving at Lampsakos like a plucked jackdaw, as the proverb so aptly puts it, Mustafa found a skiff waiting and crossed to Gallipoli with only four of his couriers. He mustered the Gasmouloi of Gallipoli and remained there waiting to see what the future held in store for him.

Valide Sultan Mosque

Ulubat in the travelogue Seyahatnâme of Evliya Çelebi

[Ilıbat (Ulubat) Fortress] was first built by Cleopatra, the daughter of the ruler of Greeks; its name in the Greek language at the time was the Fortress of Cleopatra. Later, Orhan Gazi forcibly took it from Greek hands in 735 (1334/35).

The fortress is a hexagonal stone building on a flat, wide plain on the shore of the aforementioned warm lake. Here and there its walls lie in ruins. There is no elevated point around the fortress and no moat. It does however have a warden, garrison troops, and sufficient munitions. One of its governors is a constable paid for by the supervisor of the Yildırım Khan endowment of the Great Mosque in Bursa.

There is also a qadi with a salary of 150 akçe. The tax revenues of this town support the imperial imams. There are…villages attached to it. There are also a janissary commander, a steward of the cavalry corps, a market inspector, and toll collector.

There are houses inside the fortress, but no neighborhood town extra muros. An ornamental mansion is located at the head of a wooden bridge of exactly 200 paces in length. Over this long timber bridge passes a thoroughfare for all those going to and from the fortress of Ilıbat. The bridge crosses [over the river that flows into] Lake Ilıbat. The town's buildings are one- and two-storey houses with sturdy surfaces and tiled roofs built with multicolored stones. With gardens laid out here and there, there is an aesthetic orderliness to Ilıbat’s 1,200 beautiful houses.

Late Ottoman wooden bridge

Church of St. Michael built in 1843

Lupat (Lopadion/Uluabat) and Lake Apolloniatis

From Richard Pococke (1745)

From Le Bas & Reinach (1888)

Hasluck.jpg

Plan from Hasluck

References

Belke, Klaus. Bithynien und Hellespont (Tabula Imperii Byzantini 13)

Beihammer, A. Byzantium and the Emergence of Muslim-Turkish Anatolia, ca. 1040-1130

Lau, M. Emperor John II Komnenos: Rebuilding New Rome 1118-1143

Bucossi, A. & Suarez, A. John II Komnenos, Emperor of Byzantium: In the Shadow of Father and Son

Magdalino, P. The Empire of Manuel I Komnenos, 1143-1180

Birkenmeier, J. The Development of the Komnenian Army, 1081-1180

Haldon, J. Warfare, State and Society in the Byzantine World, 565-1204

Vryonis, S. The Decline of Medieval Hellenism in Asia Minor and the Process of Islamization from the Eleventh through the Fifteenth Century

Nicol, D. The Last Centuries of Byzantium, 1261-1453

Foss, C. & Winfield, D. Byzantine Fortifications: An Introduction

Kontogiannis, N. Byzantine Fortifications: Protecting the Roman Empire in the East

Zacos, G. & Nesbitt, J. Byzantine Lead Seals, Vol. 1-2

Hasluck, F. Cyzicus

Kazhdan, A. (ed.) Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium

Imber, C. The Ottoman Empire, 1300-1650: The Structure of Power

Foss, C. The Beginnings of the Ottoman Empire

Kastritsis, D. The Sons of Bayezid: Empire Building and Representation in the Ottoman Civil War of 1402-1413

Luigi, H. Winter in the Land of Rum: Komnenian Defenses Against the Turks in Western Anatolia (unpublished Master’s thesis)

Ağan, A. Balıkesir ve Çevresindeki Bizans Dönemi Savunma Yapılarının Korunmaları Bağlamında Yapım Tekniği ve Malzeme Özelliklerinin Belirlenmesi (unpublished Master’s thesis)

Lau, M. “‘Ioannoupolis’: Lopadion as ‘City’ and Military Headquarters under Emperor Ioannes II Komnenos” (in Matheou, N. et al. From Constantinople to the Frontier: The City and the Cities)

Foss, C. “The Defenses of Asia Minor against the Turks” (in Foss, C. Cities, Fortresses, And Villages of Byzantine Asia Minor)

Fingarova, F. “Late Byzantine Bridges as Markers of Imagined Landscapes” (The Journal of the Council for British Research in the Levant 51)

Lefort, J. “Les communications entre Constantinople et la Bithynie” (in Mango, C. & Dagron, G. Constantinople and its Hinterland: Papers from the Twenty-seventh Spring Symposium of Byzantine Studies)

Giros, C. “Les fortifications médiévales de Bithynie à l'époque medieval” (in Geyer, B. & Lefort, J. La Bithynie au Moyen Âge)

 

Sources

Perrin, B. (trans.) Plutarch: The Parallel Lives

Sewter, E. (trans.) Anna Komnene: The Alexiad

Berry, V. (trans.) Odo of Deuil: De profectione Ludovici VII in orientem (The Journey of Louis VII to the East)

Brand, C. (trans.) Kinnamos: The Deeds of John and Manuel Comnenus

Magoulias, H. (trans.) O City of Byzantium: Annals of Niketas Choniatēs

Shaw, M. (trans.) Chronicles of the Crusades: Villehardouin and Jean de Joinville

Macrides, R. (trans.) George Akropolites: The History

Magoulias, H. (trans) Doukas: Decline and Fall of Byzantium to the Ottoman Turks: An Annotated Translation of Historia Turco-Byzantine

Failler, A. & Laurent, V. Georges Pachymérès: Relations historiques

Yavuz, K. & Yekta, A. Aşık Paşazade: Osmanogullari’nin Tarihi

Kahraman, S. Günümüz Türkçesiyle Evliyâ Çelebi Seyahatnâmesi 5.1 ​​​​

Karateke, H. Evliyā Çelebī’s Journey from Bursa to the Dardanelles and Edirne, From the Fifth Book of the Seyāḥatnāme

Resources

Lopadion/Uluabat Album (Byzantine Legacy Flickr)

Byzantine Mysia Album (Byzantine Legacy Flickr) 

Lead Seals from Loupadion (Dumbarton Oaks)

KMKD Documentation and Architectural Heritage

Lopadion/Uluabat Kalesi (TAY)

Uluabat Köprüsü (TAY) 

Karakaya, E. “Issız Han” (İslam Ansiklopedisi)​

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